fbpx

Media Summary

The BBC reports that Khan Yunis’s Nasser Hospital is in “catastrophic” condition after it was raided by Israeli troops following the receipt of intelligence “that Hamas had held hostages there”.

[ssba]

The BBC reports that Khan Yunis’s Nasser Hospital is in “catastrophic” condition after it was raided by Israeli troops following the receipt of intelligence “that Hamas had held hostages there”. It adds that “Israeli special forces involved in the hospital raid had yet to find any evidence of kidnapped Israelis and that the search was continuing”, and “dozens of terror suspects” had also been captured and were undergoing interrogation. The Times and Telegraph also report on the Nasser Hospital raid, both placing a greater emphasis on its use by Hamas to hold Israeli hostages or their remains. The Independent’s reporting was closer to the BBC’s, emphasising Nasser’s status as the last operational hospital in the southern Gaza Strip.

Reuters reports that the British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, has called on Israel “to fully open the Kerem Shalom crossing to allow for the delivery of international aid to Gaza through Ashdod port” in a call to Prime Minister Netanyahu on Thursday evening. According to a Downing Street statement, Mr Sunak also “highlighted the scale of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza”.

The Telegraph reports that Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, has blamed Hamas’s “delusional” demands following his vetoing of continued hostage release talks in Cairo.

In an interview with The Times, Michael Koubi, former Shin Bet chief interrogator, describes his encounters with Hamas leader, Yahya Sinwar. Koubi credits Sinwar “with developing the group’s relations with Iran and Hezbollah, expanding the tunnel network under Gaza, and creating the Nukhba, the elite commando force that overran Israeli border forces on October 7, having used dummy villages to practise their assault”. He adds that “Sinwar is too dangerous for Israeli troops to apprehend”, and expressed that “it’s better not to capture Sinwar. It’s better to kill him immediately”.

The Guardian reports that “Hezbollah vows to retaliate for civilian deaths in Israeli airstrikes on Lebanon”. Following rocket fire on the northern Israeli city of Safed which killed one Israeli soldier on Wednesday, the IDF responded with a number of counter-strikes which resulted in the deaths of three Hezbollah fighters and ten civilians. In an analysis piece for Sky News, Dominic Waghorn suggests that while an escalation between Israel and Hezbollah is possible “but latest exchange is unlikely to change status quo”, that “the situation remains fundamentally the same”, and that “Hezbollah’s Iranian patrons do not want the militia to escalate the conflict to an all-out war”.

Sky News reports that a third Labour Party local politician, Munsif Dad, has been “spoken to” as he is “thought to have been at the gathering where two parliamentary candidates are alleged to have made anti-Israel remarks”. Both parliamentary candidates (Azhar Ali and Graham Jones) have now been suspended by the Labour Party, whereas it does not appear that any further action has been taken against Mr Dad as “it is not yet clear if he made any contribution to the meeting”.

Amos Harel in Haaretz writes that Israel has recently chalked up a series of tactical successes in its wars against Hamas and Hezbollah, but the chief problem remains lack of success, and usually even no attempt, to translate the many tactical achievements into strategic results. Discussing the negotiations of a hostage release, Harel adds that while it’s true that Hamas is presenting impossible demands –Netanyahu, too, is not going out of his way to show flexibility, to the chagrin of Gantz and Eisenkot. For the latter, at least, foot-dragging on the issue of the hostages may be the last straw that will expedite his resignation.

Maariv reports on an aspect of our main item – Defence Minister Gallant’s convening the board of commissioners of the National Emergency Management Agency. “The Home Front Command is having serious doubts about launching a campaign designed to manage expectations with the public regarding the impact a war with Hezbollah would have on the home front. Decision-makers understand that while a move like that would ramp up awareness, it would also sow panic that would play into Nasrallah’s hands. Gallant decided to begin preparations but to carry them out intelligently. Of course, this is not as simple as it sounds, but there does not seem to be any other way to create effective preparedness for a completely different reality for most of the country.”

Maariv and Israel Hayom report that Israeli politicians responded powerfully to the Washington Post reports that the Biden administration and a group of Middle Eastern countries are working on a detailed and comprehensive programme to establish a long-term peace between Israel and the Palestinians, including a clear schedule for establishing a Palestinian state. Critical comments came from both the government and the opposition. Head of the Yisrael Beitenu party Avigdor Liberman said, “The experience we’ve accumulated since [the Oslo Accords] proves that establishing a Palestinian state is a ‘dream’ that has been shattered to pieces and cannot be restored.. Over the years we’ve seen the efforts, and despite the dramatic proposals including partitioning Jerusalem, removing Jewish settlements and opening the issue of the refugees (right of return)—none of these efforts bore fruit. The reason for this is simple: There is not and will be no Palestinian leader who will be willing to sign off on ending the conflict…Only recently was a survey of Arabs in Judea and Samaria released by Dr. Khalil Shikaki. The poll found that there was a very clear trend, that 72 percent of the Arab population in Judea and Samaria justified the October 7 massacre… All of these things make very clear that establishing a Palestinian state would reduce the entire area to chaos and bloodshed like we’ve never seen before.”

In Yediot Ahronot, Nahum Barnea argues that the fight against a Palestinian state will be key for Netanyahu to bring back voters. “In my view” writes Barnea, “the American-Saudi plan is the key. Its keystone is the establishment of a Palestinian state. The two-state vision will allow Biden to bring in under a single umbrella all of the Sunni countries, the progressive wing of the Democratic Party and the younger voters who dislike both presidential candidates. That vision will allow him to secure a majority in Congress in favour of a defence pact with Saudi Arabia and the voters’ support for taking stricter action against Iran. Without that hope, in the absence of this opportunity, everything will collapse. Biden’s opportunity is also Netanyahu’s opportunity. The fight against a Palestinian state will allow him to win back over some of the voters. If you don’t want to see a repeat of October 7 in Kfar Saba, Netanyahu will tell them, I’m the only one who can stem the tide.”

Ben Caspit in Maariv writes that Netanyahu has now found a new campaign to push. Over the last few months, according to Caspit, Netanyahu has changed. He has stopped getting advice from the heads of the security services and listens less to the two former Chiefs of Staff (Gantz and Eisenkott) who he no longer needs. Instead he is focused on those within his Bureau. Thus was born the ‘Total Victory’ campaign.

Yossi Verter in Haaretz also relates to the relationship between Netanyahu, Gantz and Eisenkot. “In private conversations,” he writes, “Gantz and Eisenkot’s confidants are extremely critical of Netanyahu.” Verter quotes sources involved in contacts over a second hostage deal what Netanyahu wants. “Instead of being conducted in secret,” he quotes them, “a sensitive issue such as the hostage negotiations is conducted through press conferences and video clips. The Egyptians, who are playing an important role, are subject to insults from Smotrich [who accused them of responsibility for the October 7 massacre] and Bibi is behaving like a campaigning politician, not like a statesman who seeks the greater good.” Verter continues: “One assumption does not change: The most important thing for Bibi is preserving his 64-seat bloc. At any given moment there are hundreds of fighters in elite units, the best of the best, who are willing to risk their lives for the release of a hostage or two. What is Netanyahu willing to risk? Certainly not his dangerous coalition of extremists and messianic settlers. What a sharp contrast between bold, principled people and an egotistical, cynical, cowardly prime minister. Netanyahu’s decision this week not to send working teams to Cairo may well be reasonable under current circumstances. But his conduct and the political and personal constraints in which he is trapped cast a long shadow over him. He has maneuvered himself into a situation where he is under suspicion and the presumption of innocence is not guaranteed.”

Sima Kadmon in Yediot Ahronot is critical of Netanyahu’s approach to the US. “Netanyahu treats the United States like he treats his allies: He uses and then discards. But in this case, it isn’t his bureau director, some political adviser or a Knesset member at stake. This time, it’s Biden. And what Netanyahu is offering right now is an Israeli refusal to every proposal for resolving the biggest crisis facing the region. They appear to be sick of it. They are disgusted by the way they have been treated by the prime minister. The White House has come to understand what many of us realised long ago: that to Netanyahu, ‘total victory’ means remaining in power. We’ve also come to understand that on that front too, Netanyahu has no “day after” plan apart from preserving his governing coalition. That is why no discussion about the issue is held… Netanyahu is now at a crossroads: will he go with the United States and its allies for a deal, or will he continue to coddle his 64-seat coalition. If he comes to his senses and chooses the deal, we may yet be able to have some influence over it: we could demand changes, ask for addenda, try to tilt it in our favour. But to do this, Netanyahu has to make a decision. Will he be willing to have a deal like this be crafted without him, without us? Like the Iran nuclear deal, which was made without Israel. We all saw how that ended. If the United States makes good on its threat to unilaterally declare a Palestinian state, it will be very damaging. Netanyahu needs to decide whether to tell the Americans to go to hell. In response, they will tell Netanyahu to go look for his friends [a Hebrew idiom that means “go to hell”]. As we all know, he doesn’t have any friends.”