The MOU appears to grant Iran significant economic concessions at the outset, while deferring the most important nuclear, regional, and enforcement questions to a later agreement.
- Immediately upon signature, the United States commits to begin lifting the blockade of Iranian ports and to waive sanctions necessary to allow Iran to resume oil exports. At current prices, it is estimated that this could provide the Iranian regime with over $5 billion a month in additional revenue.
Iranian nuclear programme
- The nuclear language in the MOU is limited. Iran reaffirms that it “shall not procure or develop nuclear weapons”, but similar commitments were already made under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the JCPOA. The MOU establishes a 60-day period to negotiate a full nuclear agreement and says that any final deal must resolve the disposition of Iran’s stockpiled enriched material, with down-blending on site under IAEA supervision.
- However, the MOU does not require all enriched uranium to be removed from Iran. Nor does it make clear whether Iran would have to dismantle its nuclear infrastructure, whether it would be permitted to retain enrichment capacity, or whether inspectors would have the “anytime, anywhere” access necessary to verify compliance.
Lebanon
- The MOU also contains language with direct implications for Israel’s freedom of action. It states that the US, Iran, and “their allies in the current war” declare the “immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon.” This formulation appears to seek to bind Israel to an end to operations against Hezbollah, despite Israel not being a party to the MOU and despite ongoing threats from Hezbollah.
- This could also complicate the US-backed Israel-Lebanon ceasefire reached in early June, which stated that any cessation of hostilities must be agreed directly between Israel and Lebanon, and not through a separate track.
- It is also incredibly worrying that the US appears to have acceded to Iranian demands to link between the Islamic Republic in Iran and its proxy undermining sovereignty in Lebanon. For decades it has been a long established US position through consecutive administrations of both Democrats and Republicans that Hezbollah is a proscribed terrorist organisation responsible for the deaths of US citizens.
Financial and sanctions relief
- The MOU also states that, “upon the implementation” of the agreement, the US will make fully available for use frozen or restricted Iranian funds and assets, potentially worth up to $100 billion. However, the text does not specify what concrete steps Iran must take before gaining access to these funds.
- The agreement also allows released funds to be paid to any beneficiary designated by the Central Bank of Iran. This is significant because it appears broad enough to permit payments to entities linked to the IRGC, the Iranian military, or suppliers connected to Iran’s weapons procurement networks.
- The MOU also envisages the development, together with regional partners, of a reconstruction and economic development plan for Iran worth at least $300 billion, to be implemented under a final agreement. Given the IRGC’s extensive role in the Iranian economy, including in construction and infrastructure, it is difficult to see how such a package could avoid materially benefiting an organisation designated by the US as a terrorist group.
- Under a final agreement, the MOU calls for the complete elimination of sanctions on Iran, including UN Security Council sanctions and US primary and secondary sanctions. It does not appear to include a clear snapback mechanism should Iran violate the terms of the deal. This is especially significant because many US primary sanctions on Iran were originally imposed in response to terrorism, not only the nuclear programme. The agreement therefore appears to envisage the lifting of terrorism-related sanctions without requiring Iran to end its support for terrorist organisations.
Terrorism & proxies
- The agreement does not address Iran’s support for terrorism, nor its missile and drone programmes. This omission is particularly important because sanctions relief could give Iran the resources to rebuild its conventional military capabilities and increase funding and other support to their proxies such as Hezbollah and newly established HAYI terrorist network that operates across Europe including in the UK.
Human rights
- Finally, the MOU requires the US not to interfere in Iran’s internal affairs. This provision could be read as limiting American support for Iranian democracy, human rights, internet freedom, and broadcasting efforts. It would also mark a significant political concession to the regime at a time when Tehran continues to face domestic opposition and international criticism over its repression of protesters.
Conclusion
- Taken together, the MOU appears to front-load economic relief for Iran, postpone the hardest nuclear questions, leave Iran’s regional proxy network untouched, and risk constraining Israeli action against Hezbollah. For Israel and other regional actors concerned by Iranian power, the central question is whether the 60-day negotiating period produces a more palatable agreement.
